AT THE height of the UK’s post-financial crisis austerity measures in
2010 then prime minister David Cameron caused something of a stir in
the US when he arrived there, flying business class, on a scheduled
British Airways (BA) flight to attend high-level meetings.

The
stir was in part because the meetings had to be scheduled around the BA
schedule, which didn’t necessarily suit other heads of government. But
it was mainly because the media in the US, with that country’s hugely
expensive Air Force One and Air Force Two fleet, was impressed at
Cameron’s belt-tightening gesture.
Not that this is unusual in the
UK, where the royals and the prime minister do fly commercial sometimes
and use dedicated air force planes or charters other times.
Controversially, the Cameron government did invest in 2016 in a new
aircraft for the use of the prime minister and senior government
officials. But Cameron also managed to go viral on social media during
the summer holidays when he was sighted flying on budget airline
EasyJet, playing on his iPad and eating Pringles.
This is simply
to make the point that it is by no means unknown for heads of government
and heads of state to fly commercial, usually on the national carrier.
That is standard practice in countries such as New Zealand, and in
several other countries royals and other leaders use scheduled
commercial flights at least some of the time.
We, therefore, have no need to heap praise on President Jacob Zuma
for his brave effort in taking flight SA 203 to New York at the weekend,
presumably in the luxury at the front of the plane rather than in the
cramped seats at the back. We trust that now that our president has
discovered what a pleasant experience it can be, he will do it a lot
more often and save the taxpayer some money.
His motives, however,
are more interesting and less than pure. He clearly felt the need to
show some support for his friend, the controversial South African
Airways (SAA) chairwoman, Dudu Myeni, under whose watch the airline has
lost waves of skilled and experienced executives and board members, and
has made losses totalling R6.5bn over a two-year period, forcing it to
beg for yet more government bailouts.
Myeni has now been appointed
chairwoman for another year, at the helm of a new board on to which the
Treasury, which is now the shareholder ministry, reportedly managed to
get no more than three of its nominees. No doubt, she will attempt to
drive away anyone too good or too probing, as she has done successfully
before. It is possible, and certainly desirable, that this board should
succeed in exercising oversight over SAA, and in installing some
executives who can turn the airline around and stop the financial
bleeding. But as long as the president’s friend is kept in place, this
seems unlikely. That makes president’s New York flight on SAA somewhat
discomforting.
However, it is not all discomfort, because the fact
that the president and his advisers felt it necessary to launch such a
such blatant public relations (PR) offensive surely suggests that he is
feeling the heat when it comes to the excess that has been one of the
marks of his presidency, along with the allegations of corruption and
kickbacks.
His security advisers originally wanted to spend R4bn
on a fancy new presidential plane, even though the old one is still
serviceable. Now that’s been cut to a modest R100m, or maybe even R20m.
And even that remains controversial. If he has taken to flying
commercial, even just this once, it seems to suggest there is some
pressure for austerity being brought to bear on the Presidency — and
that it is being acknowledged. That can only be a very good thing,
especially given that our phantom president is out of SA much of the
time these days.
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